Tzu Chi Raises Over US$5,600 for Jamaica Hurricane Relief

Small donations from across St. Maarten have added up to big impact, as the Buddhist Compassion Relief Tzu Chi Foundation St. Maarten chapter raised US$5,601.47 to support hurricane relief efforts in Jamaica following Hurricane Melissa.

Between November 1 and December 11, 2025, Tzu Chi volunteers collected contributions in supermarkets, public spaces, and on the streets, encouraging residents to give whatever they could. The funds were used transparently and in coordination with the Jamaica Consulate in St. Maarten.

Donations helped purchase two pallets of essential food supplies, including rice, cooking oil, pasta, and dried beans, valued at over US$4,500. Volunteers also assisted with sorting and packing donated clothing. In addition, shipping costs totaling US$2,926 were fully covered to ensure a container of relief goods reached Jamaica promptly.

Although the container has already been shipped, Tzu Chi says support continues as many families in hard-hit areas still face shortages and damaged homes.

The foundation thanked the public and volunteers, noting that many small acts of generosity came together to make a meaningful difference.

SEGUE 2 (Second pre-commercial):

“From U.S. military presence in the Caribbean to fractures within CARICOM, regional politics are shifting. Tonight, we ask where St. Martin and Sint Maarten stand—and why their position is different. Our Featured Story is next.”

[Break][Commercial]

FEATURE:

“Is CARICOM at a Crossroads—and Where Does St. Martin Stand?”

🌎 FEATURED STORY — 3 Minutes

Tonight’s Featured Story examines a widening divide among Caribbean leaders over foreign policy, security, and regional unity—and asks a question that is especially relevant for this island: where do St. Martin and Sint Maarten stand as CARICOM debates its future?

The discussion was triggered by unusually blunt remarks from Kamla Persad-Bissessar, Prime Minister of Trinidad and Tobago, who publicly declared that CARICOM is “not a reliable partner at this time.” Her comments followed CARICOM Bureau statements expressing concern about recent U.S. immigration restrictions and broader U.S. actions in the Caribbean.

Persad-Bissessar sharply criticized what she described as CARICOM’s willingness to challenge the United States—while simultaneously engaging with or supporting Venezuela’s government under President Nicolás Maduro. She defended her government’s support for a strengthened U.S. military presence in the region, arguing that Trinidad and Tobago faces severe challenges related to organized crime, gun trafficking, and drug smuggling.

Her position, framed as a “Trinidad and Tobago First” foreign policy, has exposed long-standing fractures within CARICOM—fractures that extend beyond ideology to questions of sovereignty, national interest, and regional decision-making.

The response from other Caribbean leaders was swift.

Prime Minister Gaston Browne of Antigua and Barbuda issued a detailed rebuttal, defending CARICOM’s relevance and economic value. He highlighted that Trinidad and Tobago has consistently benefited from CARICOM trade arrangements, maintaining a significant trade surplus within the bloc and enjoying preferential access through mechanisms such as the Common External Tariff.

Browne also emphasized CARICOM’s role in regional security cooperation, including intelligence sharing and coordinated law-enforcement efforts—particularly important in a region grappling with transnational crime.

Beyond CARICOM, the controversy spilled into broader geopolitics.

President Nicolás Maduro responded aggressively, condemning Trinidad’s support for U.S. military operations and warning Caribbean nations against aligning with what he described as destabilizing foreign intervention. He raised concerns about escalating military activity in the Caribbean Sea and warned of potential conflict, framing the issue as one of sovereignty and resistance to external pressure.

Together, these exchanges underscore a Caribbean region under strain—caught between major global powers, internal divisions, and differing national priorities.

But amid this debate, it is critical to clarify one point:

St. Martin and Sint Maarten are not CARICOM members.

Neither side of the island participates in CARICOM’s political decision-making structures, nor are they bound by CARICOM’s collective foreign policy positions.

Sint Maarten, as a constituent country within the Kingdom of the Netherlands, operates within a legal, political, and security framework closely aligned with the Kingdom and the European Union. While it cooperates regionally on practical matters such as disaster response, maritime security, and economic coordination, Sint Maarten has not taken formal steps toward CARICOM membership.

St. Martin, the French side, is an outermost region of the European Union. Its political and economic alignment is firmly European. However, in recent years, St. Martin has expanded its regional engagement by joining the Organization of Eastern Caribbean States—a move that reflects interest in functional cooperation rather than political integration.

This distinction is not academic. It shapes how the island experiences—and responds to—regional tensions.

As CARICOM grapples with questions of unity, sovereignty, and external alignment, St. Martin and Sint Maarten observe from a different geopolitical position. One influenced by European treaties, Kingdom responsibilities, and bilateral agreements rather than CARICOM consensus.

That positioning offers both stability and limitation.

On one hand, it insulates the island from internal CARICOM disputes and allows flexibility in diplomatic posture. On the other, it means that decisions taken elsewhere in the Caribbean—particularly regarding security, migration, and economic policy—can still have indirect effects without the island having a seat at that table.

So far, neither Sint Maarten nor St. Martin has issued a formal public position on Prime Minister Persad-Bissessar’s remarks, the U.S. military presence, or CARICOM’s internal debate. Historically, however, leaders on both sides of the island have favored measured diplomacy, regional cooperation without political entanglement, and reassurance that there is no immediate threat to the Dutch or French Caribbean.

The larger question now is not whether St. Martin or Sint Maarten should choose sides—but how small, non-CARICOM territories navigate a Caribbean region facing heightened geopolitical attention.

As global power struggles move closer to home, silence itself becomes strategic. And neutrality, while valuable, requires clarity.

For this island, the path forward may lie not in aligning with one bloc or another—but in reinforcing resilience, diplomacy, and cooperation on its own terms.

Because as CARICOM debates its future, St. Martin and Sint Maarten must continue shaping theirs—carefully, independently, and with eyes wide open.

KPSM Special Team Delivers Strong Results During Intensive Control Week – Loaded Firearm Found in Hope Estate, Arrest Warrant Issued – Police Urge Safe Celebrations During Holiday Season – Minister Plenipotentiary Represents Sint Maarten at Kingdom Day and U.S. Holiday Reception – WIB Staff Spread Joy Through Live Love Smile 2025 – Tzu Chi Raises Over US$5,600 for Jamaica Hurricane Relief – “Is CARICOM at a Crossroads—and Where Does St. Martin Stand?”